READING PUTIN
On 18th March, President Vladimir Putin of Russia gave a major speech at the Kremlin. The leit motiv was the return of Crimea to Russia, after the region’s referendum on its political future.
Vladimir Putin addressing the
State Duma deputies, the Federation Council members, regional authorities and
Crimea and Sevastopol representatives.
in
KREMLIN at http://eng.kremlin.ru/transcripts/6889
The speech was predictably demonized
in the Western media. Having read the speech, I am going to analyse
its highlights. Its English version can be read at http://eng.kremlin.ru/transcripts/6889
These references lead us to another idea that has been
frequently present in Putin’s interventions: the demise of the Soviet Union and
its negative consequences.
Then,
in 1954, a decision was made to transfer Crimean Region to Ukraine, along with
Sevastopol, despite the fact that it was a federal city. This was the personal
initiative of the Communist Party head Nikita Khrushchev.
Putin’s also expresses his concern with and rejection of
a renewed eastward NATO expansion, i.e. to Ukraine. He deems NATO expansion to
Russian borders unacceptable and he vows to retaliate to Western pressure and
coercion.
[…] the Written Statement of the United States America of April
17, 2009, submitted to the same UN International Court in connection with the
hearings on Kosovo. Again, I quote: “Declarations
of independence may, and often do, violate domestic legislation. However, this
does not make them violations of international law.” End of quote.
They wrote this, disseminated it all over the world, had everyone agree and now
they are outraged. Over what? The actions of Crimean people completely fit in
with these instructions, as it were.
I believe that the Europeans, first and foremost, the Germans,
will also understand me. Let me remind you that […] some nations that were then
and are now Germany’s allies did not support the idea of unification. Our
nation, however, unequivocally supported the sincere, unstoppable desire of the
Germans for national unity. I am confident that you have not forgotten this,
and I expect that the citizens of Germany will also support the aspiration of
the Russians, of historical Russia, to restore unity.
The new so-called authorities began by introducing a draft law
to revise the language policy, which was a direct infringement on the rights of
ethnic minorities. […] The draft law was set aside, but clearly reserved for
the future. Hardly any mention is made of this attempt now, probably on the
presumption that people have a short memory. Nevertheless, we can all clearly
see the intentions of these ideological heirs of Bandera, Hitler’s accomplice
during World War II.
A similar situation unfolded in Ukraine.
In 2004, to push the necessary candidate through at the presidential elections,
they thought up some sort of third round that was not stipulated by the law. It
was absurd and a mockery of the constitution. And now, they have thrown in an
organised and well-equipped army of militants.
We understand what is happening; we
understand that these actions were aimed against Ukraine and Russia and against
Eurasian integration.
Putin’s speech reflects much of his worldview, of his concept of
Geopolitics, what he regards as Russia’s national interest and he even draws
his red lines.
It is also clear that he views the triangle Russia-Ukraine-Belarus
as the strategic, security, historic, cultural and religious core of Slavia and consequently, the area most
vital for Russia in multiple dimensions.
For Putin, this speech at this particular and significant ceremony
represents a small reversal of Russia’s 1991 unravelling. It also represents a
warning to the West and to those in the former USSR that stepping on Russia’s
toes can no longer be done without a price. Putin is saying that Kosovo 1999
will not be repeated, but Georgia 2008 will.
After all, they were fully aware that there are millions of Russians living in
Ukraine and in Crimea. They must have really lacked political instinct and
common sense not to foresee all the consequences of their actions. Russia found
itself in a position it could not retreat from. If you compress the spring all the way to its limit, it will snap back
hard. You must always remember this.
Today, it is imperative to end this
hysteria, to refute the rhetoric of the cold war and to accept the obvious
fact: Russia is an independent, active
participant in international affairs; like other countries, it has its own
national interests that need to be taken into account and respected.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin has spoken. I think he mostly
believes what he said. Perhaps it would be wise for the West to study Russia’s
History, Geography, Geopolitics and culture and the thoughts and actions of her
President when dealing with Moscow. Maybe some surprises and setbacks could be
avoided.




